| Papers [77-95] of 2749 :: [Page 5 of 145] | | Go to page : <— 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 —> | |
|
|
Rhetoric of the War on Terror vs. the Cold War, 2008.
An analysis of the power of the definition of terms such as "Cold War" and "War on Terror."
1,288 words (approx. 5.2 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 43.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper compares the rhetoric and arguments that surround the Cold War and the War on Terror. It discusses how the definition of terms such as "Cold War" or "War on Terror" has a large impact upon how these wars are viewed. The paper argues that those who define and utilize the terms, primarily governments, often do so with ulterior motives, with the understanding that the one who controls the definition also controls the methodology of approach and influences public attitudes.
From the Paper
"The orthodox interpretation of the Cold War, for instance, stated that the beginning of the Cold War can be traced to the Soviet attempt to expand its sphere of control into Eastern Europe. This theory notes that the Soviets violated treaties made during the war to limit its reach. Thus, the U.S. is portrayed as acting in a purely defensive way to protect itself and stem the expansion of communism worldwide, through such strategies as the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan. This standard view of the Cold War, which certainly had much evidence in its favor, began to be questioned in the 1960s, as the failure of the Vietnam War, then a major theater of operations in which the U.S. faced off the communist expansion, became impossible to ignore. Some writers around that time began to argue that the U.S. itself was an "empire" with global reach, not unlike many other empires throughout history, and thus was not solely in a defensive position against its opponent. More recent writers, notably Noam Chomsky, make a similar argument. Related to this critique of U.S. actions is the argument that the U.S. economic motivation, to force all nations in the world to open themselves to U.S. trade and economic influence, is also a source of worldwide conflict and opposition, both during the Cold War and during the current War on Terror (Richelson and Evans)."
| |
|
Fascism in Interwar Austria, 2008.
An analysis of the relationship between Italy and Germany, and Austria during the period between World War I and World War II.
704 words (approx. 2.8 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 25.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper discusses fascism. The paper looks at fascism's nature and its relationship to conservatives in interwar Austria. It specifically looks at the period between World War I and World War II. The paper focuses on Italian and German power at the time and the grim choice that Austria found itself faced with - of succumbing to Italian or to German rule.
From the Paper
"In Austria, a strong fascist party rose, although it could not get control of the government. Austria was unique in Europe in lacking a strong nationalistic element. It had been stripped of its empire in the Great War. (Woolf 4) The resulting nation, a shadow of its former self, was politically divided between socialist Vienna and the surrounding provinces which were traditionally conservative and terrified in their antisocialism. (Carsten 223) The fascists formed the Heimwehr (local defense force) as a vehicle to address these fears in the Stryia province. Drawing on a strong feeling of localism against any internationalism, the Heimwehr formed working alliances with the leading mining corporation, under which all workers had to have a membership card, which the Heimwehr would issue only to those who renounced socialist unions. Further, the Heimwehr used thugs to break up strikes, to the delight of the authoritarian conservative provincial governments. (Woolf 7)"
| |
|
Case Study: Non European Union (EU) or European Union, 2008.
Discusses the European Union (EU) and its individual markets as a potential target market for entry by a foreign enterprise as well as a non-member market.
1,785 words (approx. 7.1 pages), 9 sources, APA, $ 57.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This analysis examines the characteristics of two specific target countries for potential market entry by a foreign enterprise. The two countries examined are a non-EU member country which is Indonesia and an EU member state which is Spain. Additionally, the benefits and disadvantages of such countries vis-a-vis individual company acquisitions or joint venture targets are discussed.
Table of Contents:
Abstract
Country Analysis
Overview
Target Country One--Indonesia
Cultural
Trading Blocs and Related Data
Major Currencies
Fund Repatriation and Exchange Rate Risks
Target Country Two--Spain
Cultural
Trading Blocs and Related Data
Major Currencies
Fund Repatriation and Exchange Rate Risks
European Union Membership Versus
Non-Membership
The EU Market Environment
Non-EU Market Disadvantages
Business and Commerce in EU Markets
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The most important regional trading blocs related to this project are ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations). Indonesia reported a trade surplus with Japan of $9,018m, $5,096m with the United States, and $1,958m with China as recently as 2000 which indicative a strong export economy (Indonesia, 2006). These and its other total exports formed the equivalent of $57.4b worth of exports in 2001. Its current account stands at $6,899m and balance on goods of $22,695 while its balance on services totals a deficit of -$10,380m . Regional barriers to trade are minimal."
| |
|
Foreign Assumptions of the American Legal System, 2008.
A personal account describing the assumptions that foreign students have regarding the American legal system and how the author attempted to help them.
856 words (approx. 3.4 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 30.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper provides an account of a Russian student learning about American's faith in the American legal system. The paper is written in the narrative form and describes some of the difficulties that the author's fellow Russian students faced in America. The paper then looks at ways that the author attempted to help her Russian friends and if she was successful.
From the Paper
"For example, consider the trouble that Russian students have with some of the more commonly assigned books on major legal cases. One such book is Gideon's Trumpet, Anthony Lewis' Pulitzer Prize winning account of the case which established the rule that a person charged with a felony who cannot afford a lawyer will be appointed one. To a Russian student, the very notion that the Supreme Court would be interested in considering a rule such as this is baffling. I once discussed Gideon's Trumpet with a Russian student, whose first question was why the Supreme Court would want to cause so many problems for itself. If people accused of crimes have lawyers, they are more likely raise legal issues. "But what if the person is innocent?" I asked. The question stopped the conversation. The Russian student realized that he viewed the judicial system as carrying out a purpose which is generally quite different from the (ideal) purpose of the American judicial system. To him, the legal system exists to control dissent, of any sort, whether it is classical political dissent, or social dissent as represented by criminals. In a legal system that exists to control dissent, providing lawyers for "dissidents" increases difficulty and impedes efficiency. In a legal system determined to resolve questions of guilt or innocence, providing attorneys increases the effectiveness of the system."
| |
|
The U.S. and the International Criminal Court, 2008.
This paper focuses on the opposition of the United States to the establishment of the International Criminal Court.
958 words (approx. 3.8 pages), 6 sources, APA, $ 34.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
The paper discusses how despite the admirable goals of the International Criminal Court (ICC), the Bush Administration opposed its establishment and is resisting its authority. The paper explains the Bush Administration's claim that the ICC would be misused by smaller countries and render American military personnel and government officials vulnerable to war crimes charges. The paper concludes that as long as the United States actively opposes the ICC, it will find it difficult to establish itself as an effective international judicial body.
From the Paper
"McPherson (1992) notes that the goals of such a court reflect the broad international consensus that judicial proceedings involving international disputes should be administered by a court that has truly global jurisdiction and is not hindered or restricted by international politics. Through such a court, the laws of sovereign states could no longer be ignored by any nation or citizen of any nation, and disputes between citizens or companies from different nations could be settled by an impartial court with worldwide jurisdiction."
| |
|
Sanctions on Cuba, 2008.
A look at the reasons why the United States inposed sanctions on Cuba and whether they achieved the desired effect.
2,244 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 69.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper discusses how the United States has imposed embargoes and trade sanctions on Cuba over the past four decades, and efforts to remove these restrictions have been met with opposition. The paper explains that the reason for most sanctions and embargoes directed at Cuba relates to the concerns about that country since Castro came to power and how the existence of a Communist regime only a few hundred miles from the coast of the United States was a matter of special concern for the CIA from the time of the Cuban Revolution in 1959. The paper concludes that the sanctions have not had the desired effect and continuing them is a sign of stubbornness and not of an effective policy apparatus.
From the Paper
"The reason for most sanctions and embargoes directed at Cuba relates to the concerns about that country since Castro came to power. The existence of a Communist regime only a few hundred miles from the coast of the United States was a matter of special concern for the CIA from the time of the Cuban Revolution in 1959. The CIA had an operations headquarters in Miami seen by many as a state within a city because it was over, above, and outside the laws of the United States as well as of the international community. The headquarters had a permanent staff in excess of 300 Americans directed a few thousand Cuban agents in different actions, with a budget of more than $50 million a year. "
| |
|
"Globalization: Wonder land or Waste Land?", 2008.
An analysis of Murray Weidenbaum's arguments regarding globalization in his T.S. Eliot Lecture, delivered at the University of London in January of 2002, entitled "Globalization: Wonder land or Waste Land?"
815 words (approx. 3.3 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 29.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper critiques Murray Weidenbaum's T.S. Eliot Lecture, delivered at the University of London in January of 2002, entitled "Globalization: Wonder land or Waste Land?" The paper discusses Weidenbaum's arguments in favor of globalization and the benefits that can be achieved for the world as a whole, by utilizing it to its full potential.
From the Paper
"Given Weidenbaum's professional background and admitted bias, it is admirable that he manages to do precisely this - look at both the bright side and the dark side. His approach and suggestions are so realistic and pragmatic, and so unbiased, that it is hard to imagine that any but the most rabid fanatic on either side of the debate would not admit that he makes a valuable contribution with this speech. The strength of the speech derives from two aspects - the fact that he does manage to look at both sides, and that his suggestions have the refreshing ring of being attainable in the real world."
| |
|
September 11, 2001: Why Is America a Target?, 2008.
An analysis of the relationship between the Arab/Israeli conflict in the Middle East and terrorism in America.
2,019 words (approx. 8.1 pages), 6 sources, APA, $ 63.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper questions why America was attacked on 9/11 and, in order to understand why America will continue to be a target of terrorism, the paper examines the broader issue of Israeli/Arab enmity in the Middle East. More specifically, the paper discusses the violence between Israelis and Muslims that has triggered the Arab/Israeli wars and how this affects the United States and their relationship to terrorism both on their shores and abroad.
From the Paper
"Neo-conservatives like Rumsfeld (2002) have argued that ultimately, the ideology of mindless hatred that motivates Muslims to blow up innocent people on buses and trains and fly airliners into buildings full of innocent people in the name of "justice" must be repeatedly denounced by every Western government and must be relentlessly discredited through whatever methods necessary. They believe that people who take part in or support such atrocities, or contend that they are legitimate and that their perpetrators are heroic defenders of Islam do not deserve to have their "grievances" addressed by the civilized world."
"American neo-conservatives insist that the military occupation of Iraq must continue indefinitely and that Iran and Syria must be attacked for being state sponsors of terrorism, but this approach has had nightmare consequences. The occupation of Iraq is a fiasco, the Middle East has become dangerously destabilized, and there has been an alarming increase in terrorism worldwide."
| |
|
NAFTA and Its Weaknesses, 2008.
A discussion of the weaknesses of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
1,685 words (approx. 6.7 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 54.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper takes a look at the positive and negative effects the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) has had in Canada, the United States and Mexico. The paper asserts that NAFTA has taken on somewhat mythical proportions in the minds of its proponents and detractors alike. It holds that NAFTA has primarily struck a dissonant tone with the U.S. and Mexico, while Canada largely accepted its utility. To its detractors NAFTA offered a convenient scapegoat for all of the economic woes since its inception in January 1994, and to its proponents it has been responsible for most of the economic growth periods of the last 10 years. Yet, beyond all the hype, rhetoric, and ideology superficially imposed on it, NAFTA was a dynamic process that required monumental negotiation commitment on the part of the signatories and certainly on the part of Canada as the smallest market.
The paper concludes that, although NAFTA comes with its negative attributes, it has largely proven a boon to the Canadian economy and the country would be ill-advised to withdraw from the treaty.
Outline:
History & Description
NAFTA Weaknesses & Failure
Benefits & Cost Outcomes
Conclusion
From the Paper
"While NAFTA has been somewhat contentious since before its inception, the economic results of the agreement have proven largely inline with the positive projections associated with NAFTA by its designers and supporters. In fact, the increasing reliance on free-trade agreements which essentially become a 5th column in a country's foreign policy mechanism, NAFTA has become not just an economic success but a political template for further free-trade agreements across the globe. Some researchers have pointed out that NAFTA was ground-breaking both for its visionary approach to expanded trade relationships and for its unique integration into the signatory countries' sovereignty."
| |
|
The Politics of Language in the Caribbean Region, 2008.
This paper looks at the American influence in the Caribbean region and discusses the politics of language.
2,249 words (approx. 9.0 pages), 13 sources, APA, $ 69.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
In this article the writer discusses American patterns of shaping public support for policies that are often little understood in their foreign contexts. The writer looks at developments in the Caribbean region influenced by U.S. policies upon which most economies and governments depend. The writer maintains that the politics of language in the Caribbean reflect marketing features familiar to most North Americans and that the politics of language also involve a strong American role in shaping all matters of economic planning and development and diplomatic relations. The writer concludes that most Caribbean countries have dual economies of growing gaps and no solution in sight for enlarging under-classes apart from the symbols of the stability orientation in more enforcement development and security, more incarceration or other punishment, all factors manipulated in different ways by American interests.
Outline:
Introduction
Selling to the Caribbean
The Caribbean as Sold
The Political Language of Stability
The Politics of Language and Caribbean Criminality
Discussion
Conclusion
From the Paper
"There is a growing media role in all processes of tourism in the 21st century led by the imperative of selling a particular rendition of The Caribbean as tropical paradise that is in competition with various other paradises of the kind that are in development. Air distances between North America and the Caribbean no longer guarantee simple equations of choosing Nevis over Florida or Antigua over Arizona for air-miles and other incentives make South America, the Mediterranean and Southeast Asia more accessible. Obviously, the way in which Caribbean countries are marketed to North Americans and Europeans obscures often severe socioeconomic troubles borne by the poorest classes. Tourism depends on an impression of local happiness and especially indications of the stability that visitors expect when buying what is often a vacation package. Consumers ask about present crime levels in Jamaica in particular aware that the economic slump of the later 1990s has escalated violent drug-related crime."
| |
|
Canadian Proxy Servers, 2008.
A discussion of whether the Canadian government should establish proxy servers that would enable people in nations like China and Saudi Arabia to circumvent government control of the Internet.
1,160 words (approx. 4.6 pages), 5 sources, APA, $ 39.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper asserts that some Canadian government officials believe that Canada should establish proxy servers to help peoples in other parts of the world circumnavigate official repression. The paper posits that the establishment of proxy servers might do wonders at breaking down the control of authoritarian governments and would allow Canada to build its international stature while empowering a huge number of peoples abroad. However, the paper points out that proxy servers appear to be, by default, unencrypted and thus information being exchanged between the proxy and the user can be easily "tapped" into by a third dissident party. In the end, the paper concludes that Canada would do well to leave such matters alone inasmuch as the proxy server plan may endanger lives rather than enrich them.
From the Paper
"Still, there are real-life benefits to proxy servers that are appealing to technocrats within the Canadian bureaucracy. For one thing, there are many software packages now available that can "proxy" traffic and that can be configured to operate on non-standard ports. As well, there are now many publicly-accessible proxy servers ("Technical Ways to Get around Censorship," para.2). Consequently, it is easier to set up proxies than ever before and it is easier to access proxy servers than ever before. Thus, the advent of a generation of proxy servers capable of helping private citizens navigate their way around government censorship seems like something that can only help educate (and empower) the public."
| |
|
China and the World Trade Organization, 2008.
A discussion of the controversial issue of China joining the World Trade Organization.
1,340 words (approx. 5.4 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 45.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines how China has been changing economically while trying to hold on to as much of the Communist system as possible, a delicate balancing act that raises the suspicions of much of the world while also creating a good deal of internal uncertainty. The paper points out that this is part of a modernization effort being carried forth not only by those within China or by her trading partners, but also by Chinese living abroad who wish to increase business for the home country or to develop China in a wide variety of fields, including the scientific, financial, artistic, tourism, and other fields. The paper maintains that part of this effort involves China joining the World Trade Organization (WTO). Both the possibility of China joining and the organization itself were the subjects of massive protests in this era of increasing globalization and remain so. The paper concludes that China's attempt to gain benefits while retaining autonomy in certain matters is a balancing act that cannot be maintained for long without political change.
Outline:
Introduction
The WTO
China and the WTO
Theoretical Implications
Conclusion
From the Paper
"The Chinese take the view that America is only harboring ill feelings about the emergence of a stronger and more prosperous China, and they believe that Washington's policy toward Taiwan is designed to obstruct China's reunification. They say that the Americans want to stop Chinese arms sales that are merely for commercial purposes while at the same time they are selling more sophisticated fighters and missiles to the unyielding Taiwanese. They also believe that the Americans use the human rights issue as a weapon to interfere in China's domestic affairs and undermine the Chinese government and note that the U.S. government created obstacles to China's entry into the WTO with the intention to weaken China economically, which has an effect domestically and internationally at the same time: "As the Chinese are sustaining their economic growth and rapidly improving their standard of living, their national pride is certain to arise" (Jisi 45)."
| |
|
The Global Debt Crisis, 2008.
This paper discusses the the origins of the global debt crisis and its role in Nigeria.
2,490 words (approx. 10.0 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 75.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper argues that the global debt crisis represents a means by which the developed world reasserts its former colonial control over the newly-independent nations of the developing world. The author points out that, by loaning these countries money, often to serve the interests of corrupt local elites, debt accumulates to the point that these countries are barely able to meet their interest charges on the debt. The paper relates that Nigeria represents an example of what political scientists term a "rentier state". The author contends that, in Nigeria, an oil-rich country in Africa, its debt represents a means by which the natural resources and wealth of the developing world can be brought under the effective control of the developed world. The paper concludes that debt can be seen as an instrument of neo-colonial domination and control that continues into the 21st century.
Table of Contents:
Introduction
The Collapse of Colonialism and the Creation of the "Third World"
Developing World Debt Becomes Critical
The Debt Crisis in Nigeria: Internal and External Factors
Conclusion
From the Paper
"However, in all of these nations there existed the understandable desire to develop as quickly as possible. One of the easiest means to achieve this end was to borrow from lenders in the developed world to fund development schemes. The nations of what was termed the "Third World" borrowed heavily in the post-independence era, and when the nations of the developed world slowed down their economies in the 1980s to combat inflation this severely damaged the economies of Third World nations that depended upon commodity exports for foreign exchange. Without this revenue, they were often unable to meet their debt payments."
| |
|
The United States and Korea, 1953, 2008.
A discussion of the significance of the end of the Korean War for the United States.
1,720 words (approx. 6.9 pages), 16 sources, MLA, $ 55.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines the events that led up to the end of the Korean War in 1953 and the impact it had on the United States. The paper states that one remarkable aspect of the ending of this war was the modest impact it had on America. It claims that this stemmed partly from the fact that Korea had not been a site of significant American interest before this war began, the war had bogged down into seemingly interminable negotiations, and the political situation was focused on other matters. The paper concludes that, when the armistice agreement was signed, there were no wild celebrations, perhaps because the country had finally ended a war it was truly tired of.
Outline:
Lack of a Historical Relationship/Lack of a Historical Korea
The Fall of China, the Rise of McCarthyism, and the Democratic Retreat
The Korean War: From the First Campaigns to the Fall of MacArthur
Armistice and Exhaustion
From the Paper
"At the end of World War Two, Korea remain of middling importance to the United States. American Secretary of State Dean Acheson did not define Korea as part of the American sphere of influence in the world, suggesting that the United States would not intervene militarily if North Korea attempted to take over South Korea,17 although apparently few in the American administration took this as a serious prospect. Thus, it was something of a shock when the United States intervened when the war broke out."
| |
|
Freedom over the Internet, 2008.
An analysis of the pros and cons to the world and to Canada of Canada's plan to prevent the monitoring of online activity by various governments.
1,268 words (approx. 5.1 pages), 6 sources, APA, $ 43.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper discusses the plan of the Canadian government to encourage more freedom around the world by thwarting the efforts of certain foreign governments to monitor what people do online. It discusses the pros and cons of such a plan to the world as a whole and to Canadian relations in particular, in terms of possible retaliation by these foreign governments, not just on the Internet but in trade and other commerce between nations.
From the Paper
"Canada has had several disputes with the United States in recent years, though overall relations remain good. The Iraq war proved to be a point of contention and "revealed differences in the manner in which the two states believe that force can be used to resolve conflicts" (Richter para. 1). The move under consideration could also become a point of contention, and this aspect should be examined closely because it could be even more harmful if it generates concerted opposition from those governments seeing the west as invading their rights. Essentially, the proposed program would be contentious and may not have the desired effect in any case, so it should not be pursued."
| |
|
A Change in Liberal Democracy, 2008.
A discussion of the shift in the ideology of liberal democracy.
2,142 words (approx. 8.6 pages), 8 sources, MLA, $ 67.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines how the existence of the Cold War had many effects on liberal democratic states and also affected to a degree the way in which democracy was, and continues to be, understood in these states. The paper explains that this includes the United States, which in some ways has come to see democracy as a given that more and more people have been willing to give up aspects of a democratic state in the face of a threat, as has been seen in the acquiescence of the people to a variety of intrusions on their democratic rights since 9-11. The paper also discusses how the success of democracy in the Cold War should have solidified that political ideology as to be preferred, but its very success seems to have opened it to new threats from within. In conclusion, the paper shows that more and more, liberal democracies are defining themselves in terms of collective security over individual preference, and this signals a profound shift in thought that only makes the future more uncertain.
From the Paper
"Schlesinger says that America in the past has stood as an example of a federal, multi-ethnic society that worked, but he seems to believe that this is no longer the case. The U.S. has worked because it has been able to offer answers to the question of what reasons are there for different ethnic groups to see themselves as part of the same nation. Schlesinger now sees an eruption of ethnicity in America, which may have many good consequences, but which he also believes has many bad consequences."
| |
|
Empires in the First Half of the 20th Century, 2008.
A comparison of imperial China and the Austro-Hungarian empire during the first half of the 20th century.
1,760 words (approx. 7.0 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 56.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines the transformations in political structures that took place in the first part of the 20th century in China and Europe, in particular the area of Austro-Hungarian Empire, which was territorially-reconstructed after World War I. The paper points out that China was an Empire for two thousand years and Austro-Hungary was Europe's oldest great power. The paper argues that nationalism was the leading cause of the changes that took place. While imperial China stayed territorially more or less the same, its political structure changed significantly. The Austro-Hungarian Empire on the other hand ceased to exist, and the Empire collapsed, much like most European Empires at the time, giving birth to new nations and various forms of governments. Noting the general trend of change in both China and Europe, the paper concludes that, as empires crumbled, they were replaced by several forms of governments ranging from democracies to totalitarian regimes.
From the Paper
"There were many consequences of World War I, including the ten million casualties in the armies (Esler, 2004). Also, this war significantly changed the map of Europe. The Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed and in its place several new nations were born. The Slavic nationalists were somewhat appeased by the treaty of Versailles. Yugoslavia was formed, unifying Southern Slavs, with its core in Serbia. Czechoslovakia too was a Slavic country formed with the break up of Austro-Hungary (Sontag, 1971). The Russian Empire crumbled and was replaced with a communist revolution and regime. The treaty of Versailles also significantly weakened Germany. It was stripped of its colonies, disarmed and forced to pay reparations. Parts of it were given to Poland and the Czech Republic."
| |
|
Mikhail Gorbachev, 2008.
A look at the rule of Mikhail Gorbachev and the changes he made to the
international system in the 1980s.
4,072 words (approx. 16.3 pages), 13 sources, MLA, $ 109.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper examines the era of the Cold War and in particular, the role played by Mikhail Gorbachev in influencing the course of historical events in the 1980s. The thesis is argued that Gorbachev initiated the processes that brought about the end of the Cold War not so much in response to international conditions so much as to the domestic situation in the Soviet Union - both economic and political. It also argues that he realized that immediate steps to reform were required if the Soviet Union were to meet the challenges of a new era.
Outline:
Introduction
The Soviet Union Before Gorbachev
The Domestic Climate of the USSR
Gorbachev's "New Thinking" and the End of the Cold War
Riding the Dragon of Reform
Conclusion
From the Paper
"While it is undeniable that Mikhail Gorbachev is the single most important Soviet figure during the 1980s, and arguably the personality most responsible for the end of the Cold War, his rise to power in the Soviet system represents a fascinating problem for students of Soviet history. Indeed, several years after Gorbachev had come to power George Kennan - the U.S. diplomat who had played a key role in the development of the "containment strategy" in the 1940s - was asked in a television interview how so unconventional a figure could have risen to the top of the Soviet system that had - during the long Brezhnev era - being characterized as moribund and extremely conservative. Kennan's response is illuminating: "I really cannot explain it." "
| |
|
National Security Strategy, 2008.
An analysis of the US National Security Strategy (NSS-2002) and the National Security Council Report 68 (NSC-68).
1,290 words (approx. 5.2 pages), 12 sources, APA, $ 43.95
»
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract
This paper focuses on analyzing a particular aspect of the National Security Strategy, that is, NSS-2002. It uses the National Security Council Report 68 (NSC-68) as a reference point to understand the difference in the perceptions of threat facing the United States and the difference between the two policies. The connection between the two policies highlights some political, economic, and cultural realms that have been affected by the dimensions of the policy. Overall, it is clear that US foreign policy is reactive rather than preventative, since both NSS-2002 and NSC-68 were devised to counter, rather than to prohibit actions that were seen as harmful to the United States. The paper concludes that even domestic policies necessarily affect global economy, due to the integration of societies, thus careful consideration of foreign policy on use of power is imperative.
Outline:
Introduction
National Security Strategy (NSS-2002) and NSC-68: A Critical Review
Conclusion
From the Paper
"What are the similarities and differences between the NSS-2002 and the NSC-68? There is the common misconception that the NSS-2002 is simple about combating terrorism. As can be clearly seen from the eight principles outlines, the NSS-2002 surpasses combating terrorism, but has an overarching aim of promoting free trade and combating all aspects of terrorism. It is necessary to distinguish between state-sponsored and non-state sponsored terrorism, so as to understand how the NSS-2002 integrates all aspects of threats irrespective or origin and devises mechanisms to combat these issues."
|
|
|